Sense of Defilement: The Underlying Rationale
A key concept in understanding any such form of religiously sanctioned class discrimination is that of “defilement.” What is it that makes something or someone “defiled” and “unclean?” The basic concept is that something is “defiled” when it is out of its “proper” place in society. This is, of course, related to the basic worldview that was common to almost all ancient societies – namely that the natural order of nature and its relation to human society are controlled by events in the realm of the gods and by the whims of the gods. Thus, placating these gods through magical incantations and ceremonies, together with “purifying” whatever is thought to be defiled, was of paramount importance in maintaining a stable society.

As this animistic worldview was the basis for understanding everything within society, before applying its implications to the issue of buraku discrimination, let’s first get a clearer understanding of its operation in ancient Japanese society. As a window to this way of understanding the world, let’s look at two common Japanese words that give us insight into this ancient mindset. “Tenki” (天気), weather, is made up of two characters, “ten” (天), “heavens,” and “ki” (気), “feelings.” Thus, the concept is that the weather is the result of the “feelings” of the “gods.” If the deity or deities involved were angry about something, violent or otherwise unfavorable weather would result, and this had to be dealt with by the religious authorities. Shintō priests are referred to as “kannushi” (神主), literally, the “lord (主) of the gods (神)” – namely, the one who can placate (control) the gods through prescribed rituals and magical incantations. Thus, removing whatever was perceived to be offensive to the gods was given utmost importance in ancient society, and this was the underlying rationale for ostracism and its resultant discrimination.

So, let’s consider what it was in ancient Japanese society that was thought of as “kegare” (defiled). Actually, it was pretty much the same as in essentially all other ancient societies, including that of ancient Israel, as is portrayed in Leviticus and certain other sections of the Old Testament. Things having to do with death and blood were considered “defiled.” Even such a joyous event as the birth of a child fits into this category, since it involved blood, and thus that too had to be “purified.” Interestingly, the Japanese word for a wound, “kega” (怪我), is related to “kegare” (穢れ) (a less pejorative, alternative writing is 汚れ, also read “yogore,” which is “dirty” in a more general sense), and it is written in an entirely different way from what it is in Chinese, from which most such Japanese words are borrowed. (In Chinese, it is written, 受傷, to “receive an injury or mar.”) The implication of this is that this concept predates the introduction of the Chinese writing system into Japan, and so has probably existed from when humans first began populating these islands. (The characters used were simply chosen to match the pronunciation of the already existing word, with little relevance to their actual meaning, which in this case is “strange self.”) As this concept is critical in understanding buraku discrimination, I will return to it later, but first, let’s set the historical stage.

The Vicious Cycle Sets In
While the roots of discrimination date from early human history, the particular form we see in buraku discrimination had its beginnings in Kyōto from around the 10th century AD. Kyōto was the center of power and culture in those days, and as society developed, the gap between those with wealth and power and those without widened. Those who could not pay the high taxes that supported the noble class were ostracized and forced to lived in undesirable areas, such as in river flood plains. It was the fear of such ostracism, then, that encouraged the rest to endure the high taxes. Much like day laborers in modern Japan, those who were marginalized ended up doing the “3-D” jobs (dirty, difficult and dangerous) that society needed done but which nobody wanted to do.

One such job was the disposing of dead bodies — a particularly “defiling” task. (And in the context of that ancient worldview, there was thus a second level of “3-D” — defiling, demeaning and despised!) In 1015, a plague struck Kyōto, forcing its society into a crisis mode. Without the removal of dead bodies, there could be no return to normalcy, and so those who were already viewed as “kegare” were pressed into service as “kiyome” (purifiers). Needless to say, this was a vicious cycle, as these “kiyome” were then viewed as being even more defiled. The undesirable land that was designated for them was thus not taxed and was viewed as simply “outside the system.” This led to a codification of a caste-like system that was the direct antecedent of buraku discrimination.

These marginalized “kiyome” were further categorized into two separate groups that later became known by the very derogatory terms of “hinin” (非人), literally “non-human,” and “eta” (穢多), literally, “defilement abundant.” This distinction, however, was something that developed over a long time period, and as various occupations became more specialized, various groupings within these larger categories also began to appear.

The first basic distinction to be made was that between the disposal of the carcasses of dead animals and the bodies of dead humans, since the latter involved rituals of mourning and dignified burials. “Kiyome” who specialized in the handling of dead humans were the group from which the “hinin” category developed, while those that dealt with dead animals became the “eta.” This latter category was considered the more defiling, and so the “eta” (穢多) category was more associated with “kegare” (穢れ). The “eta” thus had a monopoly on animal skins and the production of leather goods. In fact, as their own separate society developed, some became rather wealthy in their own right. This, however, was not a path to acceptance in the general society, as even a wealthy “eta” was still an “eta.”

The category of “hinin,” however, included those who were ostracized for reasons other than being associated with “defiling” occupations. It was often a form of punishment, and those who became “hinin” for such a reason could return to their original status in regular society if certain conditions were met within a maximum of 10 years. Needless to say, that was not a common pattern, and so once demoted, they were basically stuck there, and their children had no way out at all — unless they were successful at leaving one area and infiltrating into another with a bogus identity. We know that a certain amount of this did take place, as there are references in contemporary records to a few such people being caught. But as the system became increasingly strict and more centrally controlled, such escapes became far more difficult. This was basically the situation from the Edo period onward, as the various medieval fiefdoms that had existed up until that time were unified under the “shogun” warlords.

The long period of warfare that eventually led to the unification of Japan under the Tokugawa Shogunate had the result of making the production of leather products (body armor containing leather, etc.) of critical importance. This “defiling” task, however, was monopolized by the “eta,” and so while they were despised and ostracized, their services were viewed as being of critical importance. Thus, they were tolerated by regular society — provided they kept their proper distance.

Japanese Feudal Society
In his book, Uesugi points out that a typical misconception of medieval societal structure actually comes from the misapplication of the terminology used to describe feudal Chinese society to that of Japan. Put into the diagram form that has typically been used, feudal society was often described as a pyramid with the samurai warrior class on top, with the layers of “farmer,” “artisan” and “merchant” below them. These, then, all rested on the base made up of the “eta/hinin” outcastes. Uesugi points out that just as the term “outcaste” implies, these people were actually entirely outside the “caste” system. He pictures it as two separate pyramids, with the main pyramid being topped by the emperor and other nobility, with the warrior class representing the top level below that “capstone.” Below that, then, were only two basic categories, each put on more or less the same level — that of the “townspeople” (which included artisans and merchants) and the “farmers.” The “eta” and “hinin,” then, formed their own separate hierarchical “pyramid” society totally outside of regular society, with the “eta” above the “hinin” and ruled by an “etagashira” (chief “eta”). This was in spite of the fact that originally the “eta” were considered the more defiled of the two groups. Below each of these pyramids, then, existed a variety of slave-like categories of servants. Even some of the wealthier “eta” owned their own “slaves.”

As the ruling class continued to manipulate this highly contrived system for their own benefit, the controls put into place to manage the system became increasingly oppressive. What later developed into the present-day “koseki” registration system was formalized in the early Edo period as a means to maintain social control. It likewise served as an effective means of stamping out the “Kirishitan,” the numerous converts to Christianity that some 50 years of missionary activity by Xavier and his comrades had generated. All persons had to register at the local Buddhist temple and so officially became “Buddhists” — irrespective of actual belief. The net result was that Japanese became at least superficially adherents of both Buddhism as well as the native animistic religion of Shintō. (The relationship between the two is complicated, with the final result being that Buddhism focuses on funerals and memorial services, whereas Shintō takes care of weddings, blessings and most everything else.)

The “Kirishitan” Connection
The relationship between the “Kirishitan” (a term used to refer to Christians) and the “eta” and “hinin” outcastes is a very interesting one. When the Jesuit missionaries arrived in Japan — beginning with Francis Xavier in 1549 — their strategy was, for the most part, to focus on the upper echelons of society in a top-down approach. The one exception to this was in the Nagasaki area, where concerted efforts were also made to reach the “eta.” For the most part, however, few “eta” became “Kirishitan” during this era. Almost all of them were followers of the Jōdō Shinshu sect of Buddhism, as it was the one Buddhist sect that made an effort to be “inclusive” — a relative term, of course, as it was only within the very strict constraints placed on them by the system. As would be expected, given those constraints, they had their own “eta” temples, cemeteries, etc, totally separate from other temples even of the same sect.

When it came to the “hinin,” however, it was a very different story, as a high percentage of them became “Kirishitan.” This was not, however, because the missionaries focused evangelistic efforts on them; it was more of an indirect result of the persecution that arose when the “Bakufu” (Shogunate) rulers decided to close Japan off from the outside world. The perception of these warlords was that the Christianity being propagated by the European missionaries was a prelude to foreign domination and colonization by one of the European powers (which very well might have been the case). From their perspective, stamping out all remains of Christianity was of utmost importance.

During the first few decades of the 1600’s, an estimated 200 to 300 thousand “Kirishitan” were martyred, many of them being beheaded for refusing to renounce their faith by stepping on the “fumie” (踏絵, “stepping picture” — a carved representation of Christ or of Mary and the baby Jesus people were forced to step on to show they were not followers of this foreign — and therefore “defiling” — religion). As to who was pressed into service to do the actual dirty work, it was, naturally, the “eta,” since being an executioner was defiling work indeed.

The general consensus is that there were at least 750,000 Christians at the height of its influence, and some researchers believe it was considerably higher than that. As to what happened to the rest, they basically fall into two groups: those who buckled under the pressure and stepped on the “fumie,” and those who successfully went underground. Known as “Kakure Kirishitan” (Hidden Christians), numerous communities maintained at least basic elements of their faith for over 250 years, until the prohibition was finally lifted (under foreign pressure).

The former Christians (those who stepped on the “fumie”) were still held in suspicion, however, and so it was not as though they were allowed back into regular society with a clean slate. They were still ostracized, and so the net result was that at least a large percentage of them became “hinin.” One contemporary record listed 2000 “hinin” in one section of Ōsaka, and recorded that of those, 920 were “Kirishitan.” Other records indicated similar figures, and thus far more of the “hinin” became Christians than their counterpart “eta.”

Another reason for the large numbers, in addition to persecuted Christians becoming “hinin,” was that one reason many people had been made “hinin” in the first place was because of “defiling” skin diseases and the like. While actual “leprosy” (now known as “Hansen’s Disease”) certainly existed, many other skin disorders were simply lumped together with it. Since these conditions were considered to be curses placed on such people by the gods, even the families of victims were left with no choice but to ostracize them and expel them to the outcaste “hinin” community.

Prior to the onset of the persecution, Christians had built over 20 sanitariums for the care of these unfortunate victims. With the improved hygiene and nutrition they received, many were cured, even seemingly miraculously, and so this obviously had a great evangelistic impact, with many becoming ardent followers of the faith. During the persecutions, then, these followers were instrumental in providing sanctuary for many Kirishitan or “former” Kirishitan who likewise entered the ranks of the outcastes.

This sanctuary, however, was relatively short-lived, as the rulers were intent on completely eliminating Christianity from their midst, and so even these outcaste Christians had to go. While many no doubt at least pretended to become Buddhists, records also show that many were exiled and forced to leave Japan. One record states that one group of over 100 “Kirishitan lepers” was exiled to Luzon (Philippines) so that “swords would not be defiled with blood.” Japanese grammar does not necessitate a pronoun before “swords” to indicate who is being referred to (which is part of the vagueness inherent in the language), but the implication is that it was the swords of the executioners being referred to. But since the executioners would presumably be defiled “eta,” one wonders just how that defilement was actually viewed. Apparently, the authorities believed the expedient thing to do was to simply send these people into exile rather than risk extra defilement on their land by having them killed.

It also appears that there was considerable reluctance on the part of executioners to follow through with their orders, as there are also recorded examples of “eta” executioners preferring to give up their own lives rather than execute these “seijin” (holy persons). Likewise, there were entire “eta” villages that simply refused to participate in the persecution at all, and so the general picture that emerges is one of a gradual plugging of the numerous “holes in the dikes” constructed by the shogun rulers to both eliminate the Christian presence while simultaneously solidifying the strict caste system in order to insure their control over the people.

Tightening the Controls
While ruthlessly efficient in moving towards these two goals, absolute control was never completely within their grasp. The human spirit will not allow totalitarianism to persist indefinitely. By the middle of the Edo Period (18th Century), the sense of defilement that was the basis for discrimination was beginning to loosen up, and so in order to counter this, the rulers decreed new laws making it mandatory to discriminate. Thus, not only was it illegal for “eta-hinin” to resist in any way the indignities forced upon them, but it now became illegal for anyone else to not treat them as the law demanded, under the threat of being made outcastes themselves. Records reveal numerous cases in which townspeople and farmers were punished by relegation to the “eta” status, and, of course, if they were unlucky enough to contract a dreaded skin disease, or were for some other reason ostracized, they would be made “hinin.” Numerous “eta-hunting” campaigns are recorded during this period to find those who had tried to beat the system by pretending to be townspeople or farmers. While many were caught, it is apparent that many were not, and so even prior to US gunboats entering Tōkyō Bay to demand that Japan end its self-imposed isolation, there were considerable signs that the system was beginning to fall apart.

As to what kinds of “indignities” were being forced upon the “eta,” in addition to segregation into isolated communities on undesirable lands and being relegated to “defiling” occupations, they were also forced to wear identifying clothing. Since there was no obvious physical difference between them and other Japanese, it was easy for them to blend in (temporarily) if they dressed like everyone else. Thus, shades of Nazi Germany and the “stars of David” the Jews were forced to wear at all times pinned to their clothes, “eta” likewise had wear leather patches, etc. on their clothing to make them easily identifiable.

At this time, no nation-state had laid claim to the northern territories referred to as “Ezo” (mostly present-day Hokkaidō). It was inhabited by the indigenous Ainu people, who were considered by Japanese to be “barbarians,” and so to prevent the island from being claimed by Russia or any other foreign power, there was considerable discussion in the late Edo period of sending settlers to develop the land and solidify Japan’s claim to it and neighboring islands. Interestingly, one of leading theories of the time regarding the origins of the “eta” was that they were descendants of the Ainu. Other theories had them descending from other “barbarians,” but the common theme was that they were racially different from the Japanese (which, of course, was not the case at all). So, there were proposals to ceremonially “cleanse” willing “eta” and have them “return to their roots” as a vanguard for the Japanese state to lay claim to the northern islands where the Ainu lived.

Outside Pressure and the Beginning of the End
Before such plans could be instituted, however, Commodore Perry and his gunboats arrived in Tōkyō Bay in 1853, and this was the catalyst that began a 15-year period of great instability, as various factions competed for supremacy. One such faction was the Chōshū domain in western Japan that had long sought to bring down the Tokugawa rulers. They were, in fact, instrumental in bringing down the shogunate government, but how they handled the “eta” issue is informative in considering why it is that the system was ended without the discrimination ending.

Numerous documents of the period reveal that the feudal rulers in general held extreme ethnocentric and xenophobic views. Basically, all foreigners were viewed as being inferior “barbarians,” and so in 1863, the Chōshū authorities decided to offer young, healthy “eta” men a chance to earn their way out of their inferior status by serving in a special military wing to “fight off the barbarians.” In 1866, however, when the Tokugawa Shogunate forces attacked the Chōshū forces, it was this regiment of “eta” soldiers that performed brilliantly to defeat the shogunate forces, and this fact was clear to all involved. They were welcomed as heroes, and thus even though they were being “used,” they turned tables and used this opportunity to win grudging respect.

Fast forward some 80 years to another group of people (at least some of who were descendents of these “burakumin”) who were also enduring deprivation of their basic human rights, and one can see the obvious similarities to the 442nd Infantry Regiment, made up of mostly of Japanese-Americans out of the internment camps of World War II America. Their exemplary service in the war effort in Europe was instrumental in winning the respect and acceptance of the larger American society. Unfortunately for those caught up in the turmoil at the end of feudal Japan and the dawning of the modern Japanese state, however, the end results were far different. It is my contention that the difference in basic worldview between the two societies is the main reason. The treatment of the Japanese-Americans by the US government was an aberration of the Judeo-Christian ethic and the basic human rights that naturally flow out of that worldview (where all humans are “created in the image of God”), whereas the continued discrimination faced by the burakumin even after their “emancipation” was consistent with this still prevailing worldview that focused on “kegare” and how such perceived “defilement” could be avoided or at least “cleansed.” (This included a strong sense of maintaining “purity” so that whatever was considered as being “different” was pushed away instead of being accepted.)

The forces that brought down the Tokugawa Shogunate were intent on restoring rule to the emperor (after some 265 years), and once the Tokugawa defeat became obvious, the struggle quickly ended. The net result was that the opportunity for the “eta” to win points by their brave service was quickly lost. Likewise, since the emperor system itself was predicated on the continuance of a hierarchical class system, there was a renewed effort to again strengthen the apartheid-like segregation that had been loosening up. For instance, when the emperor was to proceed from the palace in Kyōto to Ōsaka, an order went out to make sure no “hinin beggars” or “eta” would be within sight. “Eta” villages that were within sight of the route had to be hidden from view and their inhabitants were ordered to stay in their villages.

Ending the Official Discriminatory System
With the fall of the Tokugawa Shogunate and the opening up of Japan to the outside world again, the fledgling Meiji government was faced with numerous challenges in transforming Japan from a feudal state to one more in line with what they saw in the “superior” West (at least from the standpoint of military power and technology). Not only was there the issue of what to do with the former samurai warriors, but also the more difficult issue of what to do with the “eta/hinin.” Some pushed for a type of “affirmative action” plan to give training and then release them gradually into regular society according to their performance. The general consensus was that this shifting of individuals from outcaste status to commoner status should be done gradually, but with the rewriting of a whole host of laws that were interrelated, the authorities basically had to settle for a sudden end to the system.

The term used to describe this abandonment of the feudal social system is “kaihōrei” (解放令), which is translated into English as “Emancipation Edict” (or “Emancipation Proclamation”). Uesugi points out in his book, however, that the term “kaihō” (freedom) never appears even once in the entire document. The original document didn’t actually have a title as such, but the term used to refer to it was “Senmin Haishirei” (賤民廃止令), “Order to Abolish (System of) Ignoble Peoples.” In other words, it was simply a repealing of the class system as such and was not based in any concept of human rights and justice. Doing away with the feudal system, promoting industrialization and establishing things such as private ownership of property and a universal tax system meant that the old system of enforced class identity (including rules of where people could live) could no longer be maintained. Thus, ending the caste system was simply a matter of expediency. The term “kaihōrei” was first applied to the ending of the feudal caste system during the Taishō Era (1912-1926) as a part of “revisionist history.” The spin being put on it at that time was that the kind of discrimination going on in the Edo period was in reality against the will of the emperor, and so it was out of the great magnanimity of the emperor that these outcastes had been emancipated. Given these facts, one wonders why the term “kaihōrei” is still used to refer to this.

Similar to the continued discrimination faced by freed slaves in the US and elsewhere, the “shinheimin” (“new commoners”) as they called themselves, continued to face the same severe discrimination, and in fact, found themselves in some sense in even worse straits that before, as what few prerogatives they had under the old system were also taken away. Previously, their lands had not been taxed in deference to their existence “outside the system.” That was, of course, a burden they would have gladly borne if they had simply been accepted as equals in the general society. But centuries of being thought of as less than human and undeserving of equal treatment were so deeply ingrained in the public psyche that it was not something that could simply disappear overnight.

Obviously, the more than 130 years that have transpired since then are far more than “overnight,” and so we need to consider why it is that remnants of this discriminatory system still remain. Before proceeding to that subject, however, one other historical note of importance is what happened to the “hinin” as a result of the ending of the caste system. Unlike the “eta,” the “hinin,” for the most part, were quarantined in what were considered public lands, and so in one sense, their treatment was even more unfair. The “new commoners” at least ended up with the newly produced deeds to the plots of land they had lived on, but the “public” land on which the “hinin” had been forced to live was not deeded to them. In the long run, however, this may have worked to their advantage – at least that of their descendants, anyway – since their existence as a separate group, along with the discrimination that went along with it, has for the most part simply faded away.

There are exceptions to this, of course, as can be seen in the treatment of those with Hansen’s disease. Prior to the development of effective treatment of this communicable disease, the need to prevent its spread by taking steps to quarantine victims in colonies is understandable – even though the deplorable violations of human rights still deserve condemnation. However, with the development of effective medications from the 1940’s, any need to quarantine such people disappeared. Nevertheless, it was not until 1996 than Japan finally repealed this system of forced isolation in “leprosaria.” Again, it would seem, basic worldview beliefs are behind this. While perhaps not exactly the same as the “kegarekan” (feeling of defilement) that was the basis for such discrimination in ancient times, the related concept of excluding and marginalizing those who are different has remained strong in Japanese society.

Returning to the situation of the Meiji Era, the former outcaste groups found life very difficult. They now, however, had the freedom (in principle at least) to try to escape the poverty and discrimination they faced. Many of them jumped at the opportunity to leave Japan to work in other countries. Most of these early migrant workers were planning on saving up money they earned abroad and eventually returning to Japan, but many ended up staying, and some planned to emigrate from the beginning to escape the oppression they had endured for so long. In the late 1800’s and into the 1930’s, many thousands of Japanese immigrants settled in countries such as the United States, Brazil and Peru. No records exist that indicate what percentage of these people came from former “eta” and “hinin” backgrounds, but certainly a large percentage did.

On the home front, after the Meiji Restoration, the Meiji government proceeded with the plans to lay claim to the northern islands by encouraging settlement. However, since the caste system had been done away with, the original idea of “cleansing the eta” and sending them up as the forerunners was no longer part of the plan. In fact, the Meiji government decided to discourage large numbers of former “eta” from settling in Hokkaidō, wanting to keep that figure below 10%. So, while official discrimination was supposed to be ended, in reality it continued in numerous unofficial (or in this case, quasi-official) ways.

The Struggle Continues
Much remains to be discussed about the history of buraku discrimination since the ending of the official caste system at the beginning of the Meiji Era. Why hasn’t such overt discrimination based solely on one’s ancient family heritage simply disappeared with the passage of several generations? In ancient times, buraku areas were located away from the main population areas, but as cities and towns expanded, these buraku were often surrounded by newer developments. Prior to government efforts to upgrade the infrastructure of former buraku areas in the 1960’s and 1970’s, these areas were very poor and underdeveloped, and that easily contrasted with the much superior infrastructure in the neighboring non-buraku areas. Likewise, because most people of buraku background were poor and did not have equal education opportunities, their advancement was further retarded.

The national and local governments have made attempts to rectify the situation thru redevelopment projects, affirmative action programs in employment, and anti-discriminatory education in schools, but since many of the officials administrating these programs themselves had deep-seated prejudices against burakumin, the results have been less than satisfying. Not unlike the plight of many blacks in the American context, these programs have even inspired numerous complaints of “reverse discrimination,” merely adding to the common misperception of these people being “different.” Being of buraku descent is still perceived in a very negative light by many Japanese. They may give lip-service to being against discrimination, but when, for instance, it comes to their child wanting to get married to a person of buraku descent, there is a knee-jerk reaction against that. Suddenly, fear of what one’s relatives might think overrides superficial pledges to equality, and great pressure is put on the young person to break off the engagement. Likewise, many private companies still want to avoid hiring people of buraku descent just “to play it safe,” since they’re afraid of potentially negative reactions from customers not wanting to associate with one of “those people.”

Thus, while gradually getting less common, these forms of discrimination still persist, and thus the work of the Buraku Liberation Center and other organizations working to end such discrimination will continue to be necessary for the foreseeable future.

3 Comments

• At July 1, 2008, Avi wrote:

  What a coincidence to read this posting today. In this part of Japan the existence of the DOWA (同和) (in Ibaraki this is the term is usually used for the descendants of the former outcasts) is hardly EVER mentioned. In all my years in Tsukuba, I've only heard the word brought up by Japanese in conversation three or four times, and always by school teachers (I've never heard the word burakumin used by Japanese).

  Just last night, however, a few hours before checking TSUKUBLOG, I got a call from a friend (a Japanese school teacher) who had paid a visit to a local hospital to check up on one of her students who had been severely beaten. She said he was doing fine and that he was proud to have gotten a nice private room because his father was the head of the Dowakai (I guess in English we would say the Burakumin Association). The fight in which the boy was injured had nothing to do with the dowa problem, but in most cases the parents might have made a big stink or sued the other boy's family. The Dowa Kaicho, however, kept a very cool head it seems, and held serious discussions with BOTH boys and their families making everyone promise to solve their problems peacefully in the future. The hospital staff all gathered to make respectful greetings when the Kaicho left the building.

  The Ibaraki schools have long been making active efforts to be sensitive to the feelings of the descendants of the former outcasts. In fact, this Dowakai seems to have quite a lot of influence in Tsukuba public schools, and teachers and principals always make sure to make formal greetings to its leaders, and the group seems to do a lot for the schools, too. I can relate several interesting anecdotes, so if anyone is interested please let me know. The teacher also said she could arrange for an interview with the Kaicho himself.

  In regard to the use of the word BURAKU, there is a huge difference in nuance and usage between Kansai and eastern, especially northeastern Japan. here in Tsukuba City the word BURAKU is commonly used, in particular by older people, to refer to their village or hamlet within the town. I hear the word used all the time. When Kansai people living in Tsukuba hear that word used their faces usually change color in embarrassment,as in their part of Japan it is a VERY OFFENSIVE TERM. They would use the words SHURAKU, or MURA.

  What strange creatures we humans are! Why do so many of us need to have someone or some group to put down. It's good to know that there are people like Tim trying to make the world a better, more caring place. I hope he continues to share with us his insights into a JAPAN that most of us are unaware of.

  Something else I just remembered: a friend from Hokkaido told me that a derogatory word used for the DOWA was yotsu, or four, as in four-legged beasts. When they wanted to communicate that someone was a yotsu silently they would flash four fingers, letting their friends know that the person being referred to was an outcast.

• At September 7, 2008, TsukuBlog » The River with No Bridge (Hashi No Nai Kawa), New Arrival at ARS Library wrote:

  [...] connection with reading Tim Boyle’s interesting, and thought provoking TSUKUBLOG posting on THE HISTORY OF BURAKUMIN IN JAPAN. The first surprise for me was that after not having heard that subject (burakumin) [...]

• At October 3, 2008, Niya wrote:

  I came to Japan in 1975 when I have learned in the paper that there was a protest of the Burakumin in Tokyo. Later I have read the book called (iirc )Japan's Invisible Race (by Wagatsuma & De Vos) in 1977 as a reading assignment in a class on Japanese culture by an American teacher (paster) at Seinan Univ. in Kyushu.

  Since then never read any written material as good and descriptive as that book.

  Thank you for sharing! Seems an interesting book!

Anna is a 33-year resident of the Tsukuba area who has a long history of helping people in the community. Her family has recently opened a new flower shop, called Blomster Anna, in the Sengen area of Tsukuba. Anna is from Sweden and "blomster" means "flower shop" in Swedish.

The shop is in a unique building that has a tree through the middle of the awning roof. In addition to flowers and potted plants, the store includes a Swedish corner where Anna displays some of her family's Swedish paraphernalia. Some of it is for sale and some is just for show. There is also a table in the Swedish corner where you can get a drink and a free cookie or chocolate from Sweden.

The shop has a wide selection of bouquets and potted plants that would make a perfect Mother's Day gift. You can have a look at their Mother's Day flyer on the shop's website.

Blomster Anna is located just off Higashi Odori, behind the red and yellow Chinrai ramen shop in Sengen, one block south of Minami Odori (map). Stop by sometime and say hi to Anna!

CAPEDS presents Sudan Café in Tsukuba vol.2
- What we found in "Real" Sudan-

What does come up with you,. when you hear the word "Sudan"?
Civil war? Terrorism? Yes, they exactly exist. However, will they ever shape the whole "Sudan"?

The non-profit organization Committee for Assisting and Promoting Education of the Disabled in Sudan(CAPEDS) is a organization aimed to promote and to assist education for the disabled in Sudan. We are now taking actions for promotion and assistance of information education and promotion of blind soccer in Khartoum, Sudan.
(To see more details : please look at http://capeds.org）

In October 2009, 2 of our student staffs went to Khartoum to know the conditions of our running project and to deepen exchange with our counterpart in Sudan. Can you imagine what did they find in Sudan?

Please join us to feel "Real Sudan" by the story of our staffs with hibiscus tea and Sudanese snacks.

The details are below.

Date: Dec 2nd, 2009(Wed) 18:30-20:40
Place : Class room 301, 3A building, Tsukuba University
(5 min by foot from the bus stop "Daigaku-Chuo")
Fee: Free
How to join: Please e-mail to info.tsukuba[at]capeds.org with the name and number of the participants. Please fill the title with "Participation of the event".
Walk-in participants are also welcomed.

If you have any questions, please send e-mail to info.tsukuba[at]capeds.org

The election will be held on October 26 and he is officially allowed to start campaigning on the 19th. Have a look at his website and get in touch with him at jon@aishiterutsukuba.com if you want to help him with his campaign.

1 Comments

• At October 28, 2008, TsukuBlog » Jon’s Stunning Victory wrote:

  [...] Heese, who ran for City Council this past week, has amazed and impressed his supporters (and possibly even himself!) by coming in [...]

Lecture on Japanese etiquette for women:
“Manners Nowadays”

Date: May 17, Sunday, Time: 11:00 (registration starts at 10:00)
Venue: Hotel Grand Shinonome (Onozaki 488-1, Tsukuba City)

There will be a lecture on manners by Kayou Mori, who is the author of many books and often appears on Japanese TV programs, right here in Tsukuba this month. She will talk about manners women should know these days.

This lecture will be entirely in Japanese and no English interpretation will be provided. However, I believe this kind of lecture is beneficial to many women in Tsukuba’s int’l community, especially to those who are working or raising children. Have you ever had a moment when you didn’t know what the proper manner was when dealing with your co-workers, or when you were invited to someone’s house or company? If you can speak or understand Japanese, please feel free to participate!

Registration/Contacts:
Office of Yuya Niwa, member of the House of Representatives
Enokido 793-2, Tsukuba City, Ibaraki 305-0853
Phone/Fax: 029-837-2849
E-mail: tsukubavoice[at]niwayuya.net
Website: http://www.niwayuya.net/blog/

If you see a woman displaying this symbol, please refrain from smoking and treat her with special consideration, if the situation calls for it.

I think that women who are pregnant will receive some "maternity mark" goods when they receive their "Mother and Child Health Handbook", but I am not sure. Can anyone else confirm this? I know that they were handing out badges with this symbol at some train stations when they first came out (in the summer of 2006), but I don't think they are doing that anymore. Can anyone tell us where to get maternity mark goods in Tsukuba?

I think this is a good idea, in principle, but I am not sure how many women will actually display the sign when they are pregnant. It seems like an invasion of privacy, in an especially private country. It also seems kind of embarrassing to walk around with a badge that says "there is a baby in my belly". Then again, I would never wear one of those surgical masks in public, but people do it here all the time. So, I guess if women start using the sign, it will become more acceptable, and they will feel more comfortable using it.

A few weeks ago I was surprised to see that there were policemen at each corner of every intersection along Higashi-Odori (one of Tsukuba's main thoroughfares), for as many kilometers as I would travel down it. Each of these officers had a little decoration on his shoulder, so it was clear that this was VIP related. Since I had read that Prince Charles was in Japan on that day, I assumed that he had made a surprise visit to Tsukuba.

Well , it turns out that the Prince of Wales never did come to Tsukuba. However, I was not very far off the mark. Royalty, was in fact coming, and in heavy doses.  What I had seen was merely a dress rehearsal. There would be still more rehearsals (not only for the police) after the one I had seen -- because this was going to be MAJOR == the Emperor and Empress of Japan (representing the longest continuous dynasty in the world) would be visiting Tsukuba. This in itself would merit a rehearsal or two, but putting more pressure on security services and Tsukuba City officials, they would be bringing along two very special guests, also of very ancient lineage: the King and Queen of Spain. (The King is a successor to the Capetian Dynasty which is the oldest in Europe. He is a descendant of Charles V, Louis XIV and Queen Victoria, among others.)

Though we have had a Nobel Prize winner or two among us, since the Tsukuba Expo of 1985, when a whole slew of world leaders and royalty whipped in and out of town, there have been few such occasions to excite our local royal and celebrity watchers. 

I was surprised to learn (since I come from a very security conscious country) that a detailed itinerary of the visit was released in advance, and even more surprised to eventually find that it was followed, to the minute.

The plan to visit Tsukuba certainly came about due to a shared interest on the part of the Emperor and the King in science and technology. But by this I do not necessarily mean the space and robot technology that they would be shown at the Tsukuba Space Center or at Tsukuba University. It seems that the planners of this trip took into consideration both monarchs' particular affection for a more classic technology -- TRAINS! (I was glad that Juan Carlos was not taken to indulge in one of his favorite pastimes: BEAR HUNTING!)

The two couples would be setting out from Ueno Station after having boarded the Imperial Family's new PRIVATE TRAIN, several cars long, which would let them off at Tsuchiura Station. Later, they would be going back to Tokyo by TX (with the whole train specially reserved, of course).

The day of the royal arrival was dark, drizzly and a little cold. This did not deter lovers of the Imperial Family from waiting by the road, for an hour or two, at various locations along the route of the Imperial procession, so that they would be able to watch as it passed by. They came, mostly women over 60, by the busload (many of these women also volunteer, at no small personal expense, to clean the grounds of the Imperial Palace every year -- the subject of a future entry).

However, with all the blue blood seated in their specially made limousines, these women were mostly interested in catching a glimpse of a commoner. Of course, I'm talking about Empress Michiko, the first woman of non-aristocratic lineage to marry into the family of the Sun-Goddess. I have found that many Japanese, again, usually women of a certain age, are deeply moved by what they consider to be Michiko's kindness, patience, concern for the people, and beauty.

(I have my own Michiko moment. In Tokyo, on another drizzly day near the Empress's alma mater, Seishin, we found a street lined with policemen. I asked what was going on, and was told that Michiko would be passing by soon, on the way to a class reunion. We asked if we could wait and were told that by all means we could. A plain-clothes officer then proceeded to talk into his radio. I couldn't overhear him, but I assumed he was reporting our presence for security. I was wrong, however. He had informed the procession that some foreigners were standing and waiting outside in the rain to greet the Empress. Anyway, I guess that is what he said, because the car Michiko was in (in the middle of a convoy, of course), came to a near halt. The window then rolled down and we were given a very elegant nod by Her Majesty. I'm almost embarrassed to say that it was a MOVING experience and that I've had a special feeling for the COMMONER EMPRESS ever since.)

I had no particular plan to watch the processions, but as it turned out I was able to see both couples clearly, on at two different times of day, as they slowly drove by, waving to the crowd from open windows. I was also able to snap some pictures with my cell phone camera, which by shear luck (I held the keitai high over the crowd and shot at random) captured the moment.

An important impression which remains after any imperial sighting of this sort is the sheer sense of thrill in the air -- exuded not only by the older women who had come by chartered bus, or by the few 30-ish, male amateur paparazzi (though they seem to be just ardent fans of the Imperial Family) mounted on tall step ladders with very long and expensive-looking telephoto lenses who proudly show off their shots to the excited ladies after the procession has passed (to cries of "Michiko's face really IS kind and gentle"), but also the local policemen who show genuine emotion which lingers strongly even after the royals have been long gone. They bow, to the well-wishers and give an emotional thanks to all those who came out in the bad weather - ARIGATO GOZAIMASHITA!

For me, this double royal visit was less thrilling than thought provoking. Of course ,one cannot be but baffled at what makes blue blood so captivating for the public in this day and age. I would recommend reading a little about Juan Carlos- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juan_Carlos_I_of_Spain                                                                         

and the current Emperor of Japan

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akihito

and then tying to imagine what they spoke about sitting side by side during the train rides from Tokyo and back.

The visit also gets one to reflect on the history of Japanese-Spanish relations,which go back to the16th century.  Spain in fact  had  an immense impact on the course of Japanese history. It was distrust of the motives of the Spanish and the missionaries who came with them (fuelled of course by the opinions of the Dutch and English), which led to the banning of Christianity, and the more than 200 years of National Seclusion(sakoku) which followed http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sakoku .

The blood stained kimonos worn by Gen. Nogi and his wife at the time of their ritual suicides are on display (along with their other personal effects) for two days in September each year

When it was announced that the Meiji Emperor had fallen ill on July 20th 1912, all Japan was thrown into a state of deep concern and restraint. By that I mean that all festivities were called off, out of respect for the Emperor’s condition. Many refrained from any entertainment or pleasures. Some even abstained from taking alcohol or meat. When the sovereign died on July 29th, this somber mood turned into one of disbelief, deep grief and even hysteria (the house of the doctor treating His Majesty was attacked).

It took more than a month for the actual funeral to get underway (because of the elaborate preparations and also to give foreign dignitaries time to arrive). The grave itself was not to be in Tokyo but in Fushimi, Kyoto. As temple bells tolled throughout the country to mark the start of the funeral procession which would take the Emperor’s remains out of the capital, General Maresuke Nogi, one of the great figures of the Meiji Period, and his wife Shizuko, committed ritual suicide. First, the General assisted his wife in stabbing her neck, and he then proceeded to cut open his belly with three slashes. 

This dramatic display of loyalty, deeply impressed the nation (and the world) at that time. The incident has been used in scenes of several of Japan’s greatest novels (including A River With No Bridge, recently reviewed in Tsukublog). The Nogi’s simple wooden residence was left as a memorial to the couple, and eventually their spirits were enshrined as Kami. A shrine, Nogi Jinja, was subsequently constructed just downhill of the old house.

Yes. In Japan, MERE MORTALS can be enshrined and turned into Gods. Over the centuries, most of those deified were great national heroes, though some were feared enemies whose spirits had to be appeased and placated (like our local rebel leader Taira no Masakado, enshrined at Kanda Myojin). Of course, General Nogi and his wife are to be classified in the former category. The General had played a major role in Japan’s rise from hermit kingdom to regional superpower with his greatest claim to fame being the capture of Port Arthur in the Russo-Japanese war. This led to international superstardom. When Nogi toured European countries in 1911, he was given spirited welcomes wherever he went. I have heard that in Turkey as well as Romania, the crowds went wild.

Though General Nogi’s SEPPUKU (ritual suicide) is often seen as the ultimate act of JUNSHI (loyalty) in that he followed his master to the grave, when we look at his story in more detail, we can see the General in a different, and I think more interesting light.

General Nogi’s military successes, and in fact his career in general, were marred by severe dark spots. Early on, in the battles between the new Imperial forces and the old Shogunate (1877), Nogi lost his regimental flag, a great disgrace which always hung over him. And even his moment of greatest triumph, the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5 is greatly marred by the fact that Japan lost 60,000 troops just to take Port-Arthur. The Nogi’s two sons (their only children) were among the dead. This astounding loss of life was a great weight on Nogi’s conscience and apparently he dreaded returning to Japan to all the pomp and celebration waiting for him.

After having gone through the motions of the victory parade, the General presented himself to the Emperor and proceeded to break down crying. He asked for permission to commit ritual suicide. The Emperor refused with these famous words. CHIN GA IKITERU UCHI WA SHINU KOTO WA NARANU ZO. In other words, YOU HAVE NO PERMISSION TO DIE WHILE I’M STILL ALIVE.

Since the General had lost his children, the Emperor decided to give him a whole slew of surrogate kids by making him director of the GAKUSHUIN school for the children of the Imperial family and nobility. Nogi spent the next five years instilling the samurai virtues of patience, perseverance and modesty into his wards. The future Showa Emperor (Hirohito) was among those in his care.

When the Meiji Emperor died, Nogi went ahead and did what he had long felt he had to do: atone for all the death and devastion he had caused, and take responsibility for the serious mistakes he had made in the past.

The Nogi Shrine and the old Nogi Residence are located just past the new Tokyo Mid-Town Complex, a few minutes’ walk from Roppongi Station. The ever-encroaching brand name luxury and decadence must surely have the General wincing in his grave. The Shrine can be visited any day, and if you go, you are likely to see a traditional wedding. The shrine office sells small gourds, the type in which the General used to keep his Sake stash in (they also sell his favorite sake, from Tochigi, which is where he had long been stationed).

Of interest is also a dogwood tree planted by none other than Gen. Douglas MacArthur, who was apparently an admirer of Nogi. Some actually believe that American bombers purposely spared the shrine (could this be true?), under orders from the very top.

Every year on September 12 and 13th (the anniversary of the couple’s suicide), the old house is opened to the public. I have gone in past years (on the 12th or 13th) and wandered about, looking at all the clothes and accessories laid out on display and trying to conjure up images of the old couple as they prepared for their end. The house itself is a spartan, wooden structure based on French military barracks Nogi had seen while in Europe. Across from the house are the brick stables where the white horse, presented to the General by his Russian counterpart,Stessel, after his victory at Port Arthur, was housed.

A steady stream of visitors is always cheerfully greeted by the staff. Most of them linger longest in front of the room where the couple died, which is marked off with bits of sacred paper. Among the medals and uniforms laid out are a bit of cloth, bloodied from the ritual suicide.

Looking at the old clocks and telephones puts me in a contemplative mood. But the bath and various toilets really bring forth images of the old couple back before my eyes.

Don’t get me wrong, I am not a glorifier of SEPPUKU or ANYTHING military, for that matter. I do however, think that a visit to the old Nogi residence and shrine is important food for  thought regarding both Japan’s past and its present. I also have to say that the General DOES set a good example. I think that ALL people of power, who benefit from sending soldiers off to kill and be killed, or likewise profit from death and destruction, should follow the Nogis’ lead and disembowel themselves.  That would be quite appropriate, don’t you think?

A tree planted next to the Nogi Residence by General Douglas MacArthur in honor of the late great general whom he admired

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The Legend Returns to the Place of Origin

～Internationally Acclaimed Performance Group to Perform in Tsuchiura～
By TAIHEN "The legend of Maha-Laba Villege" Performance Executive Committee

Maha-Laba Mura (Maha-Laba Village) was a commune of people with cerebral palsy which existed in Ibaraki prefecture in Japan from the mid to late 1960s. The conditions and experiences in this isolated commune led to the development of the ideas and policies of the Blue-Lawn Party. This party led an intense liberation movement of disabled people in the 1970s. The party's beliefs and actions were a challenge directed toward the value system of non-disabled society and its eugenic ideology. The party's intensity was a shock to the non-disabled world, but the movement collapsed before long.

It is a story about the genesis and decay of an isolated microcosm. People with no place in society escaped into the microcosm and built their own life. Taihen tries to picture this story as a myth, to symbolize true nature of the
universal existence of human beings.

TAIHEN has been invited by a group of Ibaragi residents to perform "The Legend of Maha-Laba Village" in Tsuchiura. This is significant both for the performers and the audience in that Maha-Laba Village was once located in Ibaragi.

TAIHEN is a physical theatre troupe of physically disabled people which has been actively performing professionally since 1983 in Japan. They have been performing internationally since 1993. Manri Kim has found that the disabled body has an expression that none other can create. Their twisted, distorted bodies, normally considered to be ungainly are transformed into peculiar beauty. What she has started is a completely new genre, neither Butoh nor dance, that has given much inspiration and hope to all people, whether disabled or not. All performers have polio, cerebral palsy or other conditions and most require 24 hour care, so they need unique backstage crews and Kurokos (assistants dressed in black as in Japanese puppet theater), who help
the performers to enter and exit the stage.

"If you are wishing to express the universe and yourself,
the means of manifestation may be found in authentic
inner motion, which might be unrecognized motion in a
customary movement".

TAIHEN is a troupe of physical performers deeply expressing
their inner selves. The performers' motions are far from
standard but they crawl, wriggle, squirm, walk, run and jump
unaided. Though their individual expressive line may not look
straight nor look stable, their inevitable movement is finely
balanced. One's movement is directly connected to one's
inner life. In Taihen's creation, the audience can unite with
the performers to sense and to experience the unity of
microcosm (physical body) with the universe.

TAIHEN's stage works are without words. The works are "physical theatre" in which physically disabled performers try to turn their distorted bodies and ungainly movement into symbolic expression. TAIHEN will speak about "Maha-Laba village" confronting a civilization steeped in the ideology of erasing disabled people, but it is not a story about the disabled people only. Rather, we speak of universal human existence.
---------

"The legend of Maha-Laba Villege" performances
Sunday, May 10th, 2009
Morning performance starts at 11:30, doors open at 11:00
Afternoon performance starts at 17:30, doors open at 17:00

Place:
Ibaraki Ken-nan Syogai-gakushu center
(Urara building 5F, Front of JR Tsuchiura St. West gate)

Tickets:
Adults: 3,000 yen (2700 yen advance),
students or elderlies: 2,500 yen,
A pair of the disabled and the attendant:
3,000 yen, the disabled: 2,500 yen
* You can also reserve tickets online:
http://www.asahi-net.or.jp/~TJ2M-SNJY/upcoming/mahaibaragi_res.htm

Information:
TAIHEN "The legend of Maha-Laba Villege" performance Executive Committee
Tel: 080-5097-2288 (Orito), E-mail: oriton435[at]yahoo.co.jp
Wesite (English): http://www.asahi-net.or.jp/~TJ2M-SNJY/
Blog: http://taihen.tsukuba.ch/

1 Comments

• At April 23, 2009, Dan Waldhoff wrote:

  This is a "MUST SEE" event that will be a milestone in the life of everyone who does.

In the US, Jin Sato is probably most well known for his LEGO Mindstorms creations - especially MIBO, the Mindstorms version of AIBO. But here in Japan, Jin is one of the top ROBO-ONE competitors, an active robotics business developer, and a researcher at the AIST laboratories in Tsukuba - a real hot bed of advanced robot projects.

Read the full post.